First female leader of Tanzania encounters only few rivals
Samia rose to power following the death of President John Magufuli in 2021. Magufuli was praised for his firm anti-corruption measures but criticized for authoritarian tactics and his controversial handling of the Covid pandemic. The former vice-president introduced a warmer, more conciliatory style, implementing her “four Rs” policy — reconciliation, resilience, reform, and rebuilding — which reopened Tanzania to foreign investors and improved relations with donors and global institutions. "She made a difference, the lost relationship between Tanzania and international organisations such as World Bank was restored," political analyst Mohammed Issa noted.
Yet over the past two years, political space has narrowed significantly, with government critics and opposition figures increasingly targeted. "Samia came in with a conciliatory tone, but now she has become bold and makes tough decisions that many did not expect from her," said Issa.
"She is now widely blamed for some things like abductions, killings, repression of opposition and other issues on security." Reports by human rights organizations have downgraded Tanzania’s status from “partly free” to “not free.”
While her ruling party, CCM, has historically dominated elections, this year’s process has been hampered by the exclusion of main opposition figures. The leading opposition party, Chadema, has been barred from participation, with its leader Tundu Lissu on trial for treason. His deputy, John Heche, was recently arrested, describing Samia’s reforms as superficial: "Yes, rallies were allowed again, but today Chadema can't do its mandate because the promises were fake."
Other opposition hopefuls, such as Luhana Mpina of ACT Wazalendo, were disqualified, leaving only minor parties in the race. Political analyst Nicodemus Minde stated, "The ruling party's control, exclusion of the opposition and institutional bias undermine electoral credibility.
Limited civic space and low voter engagement further weaken inclusiveness."
Disillusionment is evident among voters. Dar es Salaam resident Godfrey Lusana expressed frustration: "We do not have an election without a strong opposition. The electoral system is not independent. We already know who will win. I can't waste time to vote."
In contrast, the campaign on Zanzibar, Samia’s home region, has been more competitive.
Incumbent regional president Hussein Mwinyi faces challenges from ACT Wazalendo’s Othman Masoud.
On the mainland, Samia has capitalized on her early reputation for dialogue-driven leadership, earning her the nickname “Mama Samia.” She promises development in infrastructure, health, and education. First-time voter Queen Castoric from Tanga said, "She brings dignity, we young women look up to her. We feel her presence as the president and that gives us confidence that we can be reliable to our communities now and in the future."
However, urban voters are more cautious. Celina Ponsiana in Dar es Salaam commented, "Leadership isn't only about tone. I believe the president has a task to do, first on unemployment. She has been supporting some but many still need help." Another young supporter in Morogoro, speaking anonymously, reflected, "Samia made us believe women can lead. I would love to say more, but many youth don't talk positively about her."
Youth, who constitute the majority of Tanzania’s 37.7 million registered voters, have expressed anger over issues like abductions, even as some praise Samia for economic stabilization. In a male-dominated society, she has had to assert her authority, reminding the public at rallies, "Don't forget I am chief of the defence forces." Internal party tensions also emerged over her unchallenged nomination as CCM’s candidate.
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